Dan Wang on the US–China Race: Two Superpowers "Very Intent on Losing"

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Overview

Dan Wang is the author of Breakneck: China's Quest to Engineer the Future and a research fellow at Stanford's Hoover Institution. He spent six years in China as a technology analyst at the economic research firm Gavekal Dragonomics, where he studied China through the lens of political economy, particularly its ambitions in technology. In this interview he addresses a question that many in Washington and Silicon Valley think they have already answered: who is going to win the US–China competition?

13 min read

His answer is that, right now, neither country looks like a clear winner, because both "are very intent on losing." He argues that the US and China are each hurting themselves, and that the advantage will go to whichever one stops making so many mistakes.

The Physical Gap: Ships, Cars, Solar, and Nuclear

Wang opens with comparisons meant to show how far China has pulled ahead in building physical things. By his account, the United States built around five ships last year, while China built about 1,500. An American automaker takes on average five or six years to go from conceiving a new model to putting it on the street. In China, he says, the iteration cycle is closer to 18 months, roughly three times faster.

Energy is the comparison he returns to most often. According to Wang, China built about 300 gigawatts of solar power last year alone, compared with about 30 gigawatts in the US. China currently has 40 nuclear power plants under construction, and the United States has zero. More broadly, he says China is building far more coal, nuclear, solar, and wind capacity than the US.

Silicon Valley's "Magical Thinking" About AI

On artificial intelligence, Wang grants that the US is ahead. He says the only real question is whether the lead is very substantial or only moderate, and his view is that it is "at best, a moderate lead," not a decisive one.

He is skeptical of a line of reasoning he hears in both Silicon Valley and Washington. In this view, somewhat better AI could deliver a decisive strategic advantage because the US will invent superintelligence and China will not. Wang calls this "a category of magical thinking." He says Silicon Valley is "very capable of magical thinking," and that this translates poorly to Washington, which has its own magical thinking about how to outcompete China. The flaw, in his view, is the assumption that China cannot catch up quickly.

He supports this with what he has seen from Chinese AI companies. They have produced many excellent models despite US export controls that, by his description, have targeted some of China's leading firms for close to a decade. He says these models are not substantially behind American alternatives, that they are often open source, and that they appear cheaper to run. In some areas, such as video generation, he suggests Chinese models may even be ahead. Looking beyond who has the single best model at the moment, he says China does not appear to be substantially behind at all.

He also argues that what matters most over the next few years, as AI is actually deployed, is electrical power, the area where he sees China vastly outbuilding the United States.

China's Manufacturing Backbone

Wang describes China as home to some of the most advanced factories in the world, including what are called "dark factories." These are so thoroughly automated that they need hardly any human workers, so most of the lights can stay off. He stresses, though, that these showcase facilities are not what matters most.

In his view, the backbone of Chinese manufacturing is the much broader mass of factories that make iPhones, consumer electronics, electric vehicles, and their batteries. In these products he believes the Chinese are far ahead of the Americans. What makes this possible, he says, is a set of dense production ecosystems. For almost any component, whether batteries or sensors, the suppliers sit right next to one another, so a factory manager can literally walk next door to get another part.

Alongside this is a deep labor pool. Wang cites about 70 million manufacturing workers in China, ranging from mass labor to medium-skilled workers to highly skilled engineers, whom he calls "probably the most skilled engineers in the world today." He finds these disparities "a little bit scary."

Taken together, this leads him to question how much America's lead in model sophistication is really worth. He acknowledges the US builds more sophisticated models by every measure. Still, he says he is not sure he would trade a much more vibrant industrial manufacturing ecosystem for that edge. He calls the Chinese economy incredibly competitive and says that for anyone selling products, China is the most competitive economic system in the world.

A Country of Distinct Regions

Wang also cautions against treating China as a monolith. A country of about 1.4 billion people is especially complex, and after years of living there he came to appreciate how different its main hubs feel.

Beijing, he says, was jokingly called "Western Pyongyang" by people in Shanghai because it is so centralized and Stalinist, defined by the political system, with concrete buildings and dust storms. Shanghai is much more of a commercial hub. Residents call it "the Paris of the East," and it has French-designed leafy boulevards, café-lined streets, and better weather. The Southwest is defined by its mountains, strong regional character, and "amazing ethnic diversity." He compares this to the United States, where the San Francisco Bay Area, New York City, Texas, and Washington, D.C. each feel very different from one another.

What the Engineering State Got Right

A central idea of Breakneck is that China is run by engineers. Wang says that, for the most part, China's engineer-heavy leadership has done a good job of promoting "physical dynamism." Someone who grew up in a Chinese city twenty years ago might have had no subway lines, and today that same city may have a couple dozen. China built its first high-speed rail system about 15 years ago, and by his account it now has about twice as many high-speed rail lines as the rest of the world combined. He counts tall bridges connecting villages, subways, rail, electrical power, and the manufacturing base among the genuine achievements of the engineering state.

The Dark Side: Engineering People

Wang argues that the same mindset has a fundamental problem: engineers in charge of a country "cannot stop themselves" from social engineering and population engineering. They treat the population as another building material to be torn down and remolded as they wish.

His main example is the one-child policy. He says China's leadership believed the Western "doomerism" of the 1970s, the idea that mathematical formulas could determine an optimal population, and that countries had to reduce their populations as much as possible to stay within environmental carrying capacity. Wang calls those calculations "bunk," but says China took them too seriously. A missile scientist named Song Jian gained the ear of the leadership and supplied mathematical justification for the policy. Over roughly 35 years, according to Wang, the policy involved around 300 million abortions and 100 million sterilizations of women. He describes it as "a campaign of rural terror" that ran through the countryside, and as the result of a leadership that does not respect its people.

The Anaconda in the Chandelier

Wang also describes China's information controls from personal experience. In the spring of 2022, his personal website, danwang.co, where he publishes his annual letters, was blocked in China. He calls it a very small casualty of that year, but says he was surprised that his "rinky-dink website," nowhere near the size of Facebook, Wikipedia, or the Wall Street Journal, was blocked too. He describes an environment where a WeChat message sent to someone else in China might never arrive because censors had already blocked it, and where the state has largely destroyed independent journalism.

To explain how censorship works psychologically, he borrows a metaphor from Professor Perry Link: an anaconda coiled in a chandelier. Imagine everyone sitting around a dinner table with a giant anaconda hanging above them. No one needs to see it strike. Knowing it is there, and that it might or might not come down, is enough to intimidate people. Because no one knows when the anaconda might descend, people censor themselves automatically, and Wang sees that attitude as corrosive to creative thinking in China.

As a writer, he says, he has been determined not to be intimidated. He tries to tell the truth as best he can, describing the spectacular achievements in manufacturing and public works while also acknowledging what he saw as grave mistakes by the Communist Party, such as the zero-COVID program. He believes it is important to see both at once and not let censorship shape one's thinking too much.

A Model of Competition: Hubris Ahead, the Whip Behind

Wang's framework for the rivalry is dynamic. Whichever country is ahead tends to make mistakes out of overconfidence and hubris. Whichever is behind feels "the crack of the whip" and works hard to catch up. He is therefore suspicious of any argument that China must win because of manufacturing, or must lose because of demographics. Both countries have real strengths, and both will keep trying to run faster.

He gives an example from each side. In 2021, while Wang was living in China, Xi Jinping ordered what Wang calls a controlled demolition of the property sector and cracked down on tech entrepreneurs, most notably Jack Ma. Wang attributes this to Xi feeling that China was in a very strong position after handling COVID well. He argues that the property slowdown and the crackdown on entrepreneurs are behind many of China's current economic problems.

The US, in turn, felt ahead for a while, and Wang says it responded under President Trump by eroding alliances through tariffs and, in his words, deindustrializing America. He says the US lost about 80,000 manufacturing jobs under Trump's first term. The example he calls one of the most hurtful came last year, when the Department of Homeland Security deported around 300 South Korean engineers working at a Hyundai plant in Georgia that was building EV batteries. Beyond the experience for the engineers themselves, Wang says the episode looked bad to the rest of the world. An engineer in France, Taiwan, or South Korea might now hesitate before taking a job in Georgia, Alabama, or Texas.

"Do Less, Please"

From this, Wang draws a direct prescription. China could do much better if the Communist Party learned to be more restrained, to do less, and to try less to be intense social engineers, "engineers of the soul." The United States could do much better if it stopped mistreating its allies and stopped the political dysfunction he criticizes at home. His message to both is: "do less, please."

Looking ten years ahead, he predicts that "Made in China" will come to signify excellent quality, the way "Made in Germany" and "Made in Japan" do today, and that the future of manufacturing will keep shifting toward China.

Silicon Valley and the Rest of America

Wang closes by turning to his own surroundings. He calls Silicon Valley founders some of the most inspirational, hardest-working, and most ambitious people in history, and says they have been rewarded for creating enormous economic value. But he says that value has not spread to the rest of the country, where many people feel entrepreneurs in California are very different from them.

He does not mainly blame Silicon Valley for this. He blames the San Francisco government, the California government, and the federal government for failing to deliver basic services: clean, orderly streets without too much crime, affordable housing, and a sense of living in a growing, thriving country. He points to considerable net out-migration from California, especially to Texas and Arizona. His hope is that Silicon Valley founders will think more broadly and, with support from politicians, deliver benefits to ordinary Americans who do not feel well connected to "some of these strange people here in Silicon Valley."

He leaves the central question open. The contest is not settled by manufacturing, demographics, or AI alone. It will go to whichever country first stops beating itself.